Greenlanders are Pro-Independence, Pro-USA and Wary of China’s Polar Silk Road

A 2021 survey of Greenland had 69.1 percent of those asked think that Greenland should cooperate more closely with the U.S.

Greenland is not a member of the EU. When asking Greenlanders about if Greenland should cooperate with the EU, 65% answer that Greenland should cooperate more with the Union and only 22.8% answer that Greenland should cooperate less with the EU (12.3% do not know). In terms of reviving EU-membership, if there would be a referendum regarding rejoining the EU, Greenlanders are somewhat sceptic towards this. In total, 60% are against such a membership, while 40% are for such a membership.

Greenlanders which are the three most vital challenges towards the Greenlandic society, the answers show that it is not any of the international challenges that are in focus. Instead, internal, domestic affairs score high with the economic situation (19.5%), unemployment (17.2%), and higher living costs (16.6%) as the three most urgent challenges for the Greenlandic community. Climate change is coming in fourth place (11.3%).

US Built Airport and US Control of Greenland 1941-1945 and the Cold War Era

The first airport was built here during the US occupation in 1941 under the name of Bluie West-8, later renamed Sondrestromfjord Air Base and Sondrestrom Air Base. The airport is located away from the coast and hence less prone to fog and wind in comparison with other airports in Greenland.

A number of the airstrips have been built by the US military at locations deliberately away from major settlements, partly due to the Danish policy to downplay the presence of the US military in Greenland.

After Denmark was occupied by Nazi Germany in 1940, Greenland, lacking direct communication with Copenhagen, sought protection. In 1941, the US occupied Greenland under the Monroe Doctrine to protect it from potential German invasion. This was formalized through an agreement where Denmark, represented by its ambassador in Washington, gave the US broad rights over Greenland’s defense and economic administration for the war’s duration.

Bases and Infrastructure: The US established multiple military bases, notably the Bluie bases, to support the war effort, particularly in anti-submarine operations and as a staging ground for transatlantic flights. The most significant was Bluie West-1 at Narsarsuaq and Bluie West-8 at Kangerlussuaq, now Greenland’s major international airports.

1951 Defense Agreement: After World War II, in 1951, the US and Denmark signed a defense agreement which allowed the US to maintain military bases in Greenland, primarily for strategic purposes during the Cold War. This agreement gave the US defense rights over Greenland, including the establishment of Thule Air Base (now Pituffik Space Base), which played a crucial role in early warning systems against Soviet threats. This presence has continued to this day, although with reduced scope post-Cold War.

Project Iceworm and Camp Century: During the Cold War, the US also experimented with the idea of deploying nuclear missiles under the Greenland ice cap through projects like Iceworm and Camp Century, though these were eventually abandoned.

The US never fully governed Greenland in the sense of sovereignty, it has had considerable influence over its defense and strategic use since 1941, with a formal defense agreement in place since 1951.

US Greenland Air Base

Thule Air Base, now known as Pituffik Space Base, is located in the northwest corner of Greenland, about 750 miles north of the Arctic Circle and 950 miles south of the North Pole.

The base is located on Cape Atholl and the southern shore of Wolstenholme Fjord, an inlet of Baffin Bay. It’s the Department of Defense’s northernmost installation and has a 10,000-foot runway and the DoD’s northernmost deep-water port.

The base supports space-based missions, scientific research, and environmental protection programs. It’s also a location for military training.

The base was built between 1951 and 1952, and was renamed Pituffik Space Base in April 2023.

China Moves for Economic and Political Control of Greenland and the Arctic

Chinese firms have pursued projects such as the Isua Iron ore mine and Kvanefjeld rare earth mine and bidding on airport construction projects. China has a Polar Silk Road strategy to access Arctic Resources and shipping routes.

Approximately 53% of the Greenlanders see China’s increasing influence in the world as a positive thing, whereas almost 47% see it as a negative thing. However, regarding investments from China, the Greenlandic population is somewhat hesitating. Only 32.2% say yes to Chinese investments, while 67.8% say no thanks to foreign investments from China.

Many countries are afraid of China’s development as a superpower in international relations and are very reluctant towards China as a country due to the non-democratic political system and some evidence of the economic dependency situation that some African countries have encountered in their relationships with China.

China’s Polar Silk Road

China’s Polar Silk Road (PSR) is an extension of its broader Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), aimed at developing new trade and resource routes through the Arctic region. Here’s an overview of the projects, resources devoted, and the history:

History of the Polar Silk Road

Origins: The concept of the Polar Silk Road was officially introduced in 2017, aligning with the BRI, which was first announced in 2013. The PSR aims to utilize the Northern Sea Route (NSR) and potentially other Arctic passages for reducing shipping times between Asia and Europe by avoiding traditional routes through the Suez Canal or around Africa.

Goals: The initiative is intended to foster economic, scientific, and environmental cooperation in the Arctic, emphasizing the potential for resource extraction, new shipping routes, and scientific research. China describes itself as a “near-Arctic state” due to its interests in the region.

Main PSR Projects

Yamal LNG and Arctic LNG-2: These are significant projects where China has invested heavily. The Yamal LNG project on Russia’s Yamal Peninsula sees China’s involvement through companies like CNPC and the Silk Road Fund, holding stakes in the project. Similarly, investments in Arctic LNG-2 further illustrate China’s commitment, with Chinese state enterprises owning portions of the project. Loans from Chinese banks for these projects amount to around EUR 12.5 billion.

Infrastructure and Research: China has been active in building research stations, such as the one on Spitsbergen, and investing in technologies and studies pertinent to Arctic conditions, like ice-class ships and polar research vessels. The research vessel Xue Long has been pivotal in exploring these routes.

Polar Silk Road Investments

Financial Investment: Estimates of China’s investment in the PSR vary, but it includes billions in loans for energy projects, investments in infrastructure, and substantial funding for scientific research. The total investment in BRI, which includes PSR, is often cited in the trillions, but specific figures for the PSR alone are less clear. However, the Yamal LNG alone has seen significant Chinese financial involvement.

Technological and Human Resources: China has committed to developing technologies suitable for Arctic conditions, including icebreakers, polar ship propellers, and research into navigation and resource exploration. This involves not only financial resources but also human capital in the form of scientists, engineers, and researchers.

Challenges and Perspectives of the Polar Silk Road

Geopolitical Tensions: The PSR has raised concerns among Arctic nations and other international actors about China’s strategic ambitions, security implications, and environmental impact. There’s skepticism about how much of the PSR is actualized versus how much is strategic posturing or vision.

Environmental and Legal Concerns: The Arctic’s environmental fragility and the legal frameworks governing the area, like the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), pose significant challenges to the development of these routes. China’s approach has been to push for peaceful utilization and cooperation.